In the case of the triad "scared, afraid, frightened", I'm less
inclined to go with semantic explanations than explanations from
register (formality level). Unfortunately, I can't find my Collins
Cobuild dictionary, which shows the frequency of words in various
genres of text, including informal and formal. I suspect that "afraid"
and "scared" would have high frequency in less-formal genres, and
"frightened" and "fearful" in more-formal genres.
Yes, form and meaning adhere closely; but it's also true that much of
language is "fossilized" -- that is, it's so because contemporary
generations of speakers have inherited a pattern from earlier
generations, and the motivation for a pattern or its related forms have
disappeared. A good example is current use of "whom" -- most people
under 45 (if not most people, period) no longer operate by the old
case rules for "whom", and use it rarely (and when they do use it, they
often guess wrong). But I'd bet most everyone would use it in
fossilized expressions like "to whom it may concern". This phrase is
virtually an idiom. Do we ever really think about what "concern" means
here? It's just a formula for opening a very formal letter.
To address Brett's question, we use language to express meaning not
just in the sense of describing the world, but also to convey social
information: we have many words that express virtually (or exactly) the
same meaning, and differ mainly in formality level. We choose which
word fits the _social_ context: the roles we see ourselves as playing;
our perception of how we relate socially to the people we are
conversing with (or writing to); and the way we want people to perceive
us.
There are many pairs, triads, and bigger groups of words that differ
mainly in that some are more formal than others; there are also neutral
words that work in all situations. I always ask my students which word
they are likely to hear (a) between teen friends discussing a party;
(b) spoken by a witness in court to a cross-examining attorney; (c) by
an expert medical witness in court:
1. drunk
2. wasted
3. intoxicated
("Wasted" can mean under the influence of other substances, but you get
the picture). They invariably make the right choices: 2. is only
appropriate in (a); 3. is most likely in (b) or (c); 1. is likely in
any of the three, but is probably less likely than 3. in cases (b) and
(c).
Similarly, imagine a police officer who is discussing an arrest in
three different situations: 1. with her younger children; 2. with her
fellow officers out of public earshot; 3. testifying in court. Which of
the three terms above would she be likely to use in each situation? She
will make choices considering her own view of her role in the
situation: as parent, she might want to model upstanding behavior for a
cop (not taking the state of inebriation lightly) while avoiding a term
too technical for young children to know; as buddy among buddies in the
police station, she can be totally relaxed--but also has to behave in
ways that will preserve her insider status; in court, she has to
display her authority and technical expertise in order to be taken
seriously as an authoritative witness.
The fact that these choices are socially based is revealed by our
responses to people who head in the wrong direction: someone who uses
"wasted" on the witness stand is viewed as being socially clueless;
someone who uses "intoxicated" among close friends (without signalling
sarcasm) is thought of as bookish or setting herself up as superior (or
is thought to be a nerd). Use of the inappropriate word is viewed as a
_social_ gaffe, not a linguistic one.
I tell my students that we are _always_ "watching our language", even
when we think we are just relaxing and being ourselves. We _always_
have to behave in socially appropriate ways, including signalling
closeness to our most intimate friends. Breaking the rules will lead to
some kind of awkwardness (see my made-up story below).
Student writing is often off not because of poor choices of grammar or
the wrong word for the intended meaning; often, a student has simply
chosen a word of the wrong formality level, either too "high" or too
"low" (too "low" is much the more common problem). Here are some common
ones across formality levels:
low higher even higher
a lot of many, much numerous
real(ly) very highly
scared afraid, frightened fearful, trepidatious ("afraid" can also be
low formality; witness its very common use by young children)
kids children youths, minors
baby infant
somebody (a) person (an) individual
relatives kin
big large
little small diminutive? (though "little" has formal uses:
"little else"; "has little to do with"
teeny tiny minuscule
I use a little made-up story to demonstrate the social differences
between words that mean pretty much the same thing. Imagine you are
having lunch with a close friend who has just told you that, in the
shower, he found a small lump in his armpit that had not been there
before. You have urged him to see a doctor, but he replies that he is
too afraid that it might be cancer. What would be the social effect of
each of these replies:
a. Yeah, sure, a lot of people are scared of going to the doctor. But
not going could make things even worse -- you could die!
b. Indeed, many individuals are fearful of visiting a physician.
However, not doing so could have more-serious consequences, including
death.
A close friend would find response b. quite inappropriately formal and
would be very likely to (would probably) take offense (get mad; be
offended) and assume (think, believe) that his friend was either making
fun of him, taking the situation lightly, or getting on her high horse
and lecturing. Notice that these are _social_ implications, having
nothing to do with the meanings of the two responses, which are pretty
much (virtually) identical.
As to Craig's comparisons, "an afraid boy" is not possible in standard
English. In fact, it seems that all a- prfix adjectives are restricted
to a position after the verb:
The house was ablaze *the ablaze house
The patient was awake *the awake patient
The snake is alive *the alive snake
My father was aghast *my aghast father
Other adjectives appear _only_ before the word they modify, and can't
be positioned after:
In future years *the years that are future
an utter fool *a fool who is utter
the main complaint is ... *this complaint is main
a lone rider *a rider was lone
mock leather *that leather is mock
the sole flaw *the flaw is sole
(These examples are from the Cambridge Grammar of English.)
The "a-" examples (at least some of them) may originate in old
progressives -- these used to be formed with "on", e.g. "the house is
on blazing". The "on" was reduced in pronunciation to "a-" (which
survives in, e.g., Appalachian English, "I'm a-comin' "). The absence
of "-ing" needs to be explained -- maybe Herb has this in his vast
stock of knowledge of the history of English. Most speakers of English
have dropped the "a-" in the progressive construction, but it remains.
In fact, it seems to have given us a prefix for deriving adjectives
from verbs: "a-twitter" from "twitter"; "alight" from "to light (a
fire)"; "aglow", "askew". But I don't think it's productive -- we don't
use it to make new verbs as a matter of course. This would render words
like "afall" (falling); "atwist", "asink" (cf. "afloat").
Dr. Johanna Rubba, Associate Professor, Linguistics
Linguistics Minor Advisor
English Department
California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo
E-mail: [log in to unmask]
Tel.: 805.756.2184
Dept. Ofc. Tel.: 805.756.2596
Dept. Fax: 805.756.6374
URL: http://www.cla.calpoly.edu/~jrubba
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